Preserving Croatia’s Diaspora Legacy in a Digital World
Without a doubt, the Croatian Herald made a significant contribution to establishing Croatian statehood and freedom through its objective reporting and unwavering support of homeland principles. This success clearly demonstrated the powerful impact that well-organised diaspora communities can have when united behind a common cause.
By: Ivo BUTKOVIĆ
The evolution of any serious Croatian political emigrant initiative—particularly one that has maintained its relevance from the early 1980s until today, spanning over 41 years—presents a significant historical narrative challenge.
More remarkable still is the story of a weekly newspaper established in far-off Australia through the collective effort of 16 diverse Croatian emigrant associations, clubs and political societies. Their shared vision was to modernise the Croatian state-building movement through modern media.
This unprecedented socio-political coalition created a weekly publication committed to presenting truthful accounts of homeland developments to both the free world and Croatian diaspora communities. Their aim was to accurately convey Croatia’s state-building aspirations and political evolution.
Launched from Australia, thousands of miles from the homeland, this politically engaged weekly newspaper represented a truly revolutionary endeavour for its time.
Unfortunately, the initial attempt, which relied heavily on older supporters of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) in the tradition of Radić, proved unworkable. This early setback occurred during a dark period when Yugoslav state security (UDBA) brutally assassinated former INA oil company director Stjepan Đureković in Germany on 28 July.
The assassination of Bruno Bušić in 1978 was followed by this identical crime against Đureković, who, like Bruno, had used his writings and books to expose Yugoslav propaganda tactics and falsehoods. This brutal murder galvanised and radicalised Croatian political emigration communities worldwide.
In Australia, the most dynamic organisation—then known as Hrvatski Savez Uzdanica – Hrvatsa Mladež (UHM) —responded by convening a two-day meeting in Melbourne with leaders from all branches. Discussions centred on diaspora contributions to the homeland and analysis of the political and general situation in Croatia.
The meeting included evaluation of partnerships with allied organisations in European cities, alongside intelligence from a recently arrived ‘scout’ from Europe who clarified messages from American and European collaborators.
Participants concluded that advancing their cause required establishing a new comprehensive Croatian weekly newspaper in Australia, with ambitions for international reach ‘across the seas.’
As a result, they decided to discontinue their organisational monthly journal ‘Uzdanica’ and focus their energy on developing this new weekly publication. Following these and other supporting initiatives, they resolved to consult with vlč Josip Kasić and to establish contact with Srećko Rover.
The group appointed Ivo Butković as Editor in Chief, supported by Tomislav Bošnjak, then-secretary of the UHM organisation. The UHM would serve as the foundation, incorporating its branches and membership in the newspaper’s development and operations.
To advance this initiative, they established ‘Hrvatsko zajedništvo u Australiji,’ ) ‘Croatian Unity Australia” structured according to Australian law as a shareholding but charitable and cultural organisation—meaning that any financial gains could not be distributed among members but could only be reinvested in further development in accordance with regulations.
The founding members of ‘Croatian Unity’ included: Croatian National Council MO ‘Bruno Bušić’ – Geelong, Croatian Club ‘King Tomislav’ – Sydney, Croatian Catholic Centre Clifton Hill, Croatian Saturday Schools – Broadmeadows, Croatian Alliance Uzdanica – Croatian Youth – Melbourne, Croatian National Resistance ‘Ante Vrban’ Sydney, ‘United Croatians’ – Wollongong, United Croatian Students in Victoria, and MO HNV ‘Croatian Mountains’. Additional Croatian-Australian societies joined later, alongside supporting organisations from outside Australia, including one from New York.
The inaugural issue of the ‘Croatian Herald’ (Hrvatski Vjesnik) appeared in Croatian institutions and on public newsstands on 16 August 1983. In the time leading up to its recent transition to digital format, 2,026 print issues were published—an extraordinary and historically significant achievement.
The Croatian Herald represented far more than just another newspaper in Australia; it embodied a powerful movement that extended its reach to American and European communities, and covertly back to the homeland. This success stands as a testament to the dedication of numerous Croatian clubs, institutions, centres, editorial staff, readers, distributors, and every individual who contributed—however modestly—to the Vjesnik’s survival into its fifth decade and evolution into digital form.
The Croatian patriotic revolutionary activity emanating from Australia proved deeply troubling to the Yugoslav secret police (UDBA) and defenders of Yugoslavism. From the outset, they attempted to undermine and diminish this initiative, often through seemingly innocent questions like: “With two weekly Croatian publications already existing, why create a third?”
We refrained from responding then by revealing certain knowledge or suspicions, and we will maintain that discretion now—even though those insights and suspicions have since been confirmed by numerous documented facts preserved in archives. These truths are now known to many, and particularly well understood by those of us connected with the Herald, both past and present.
For example, the suspicion that Krunoslav Prates, editor of the newspaper ‘Croatian State’ (Munich), was “a very unstable, financially compromised individual” was conclusively confirmed when he received a life imprisonment sentence in Germany in 2007. As a UDBA collaborator, he had participated in orchestrating the assassination of Stjepan Đureković.
To those “concerned” questions at the time—why establish another newspaper?—the first issue of the new weekly ‘Croatian Herald’ offered this concise response: “Because the existing newspapers did not satisfy the needs of Croatian communities in Australia.” We would simply add: because they operated outside the contemporary political realities affecting both the world and the homeland.
However, the first issue also contained a more comprehensive statement from the ‘Croatian Unity’ board that clearly outlined the publication’s political direction—innovative both in concept and trajectory. This was demonstrated through explicit declarations that figures such as Bakarić, Blažević, Šuvar, Tito, and Ranković, along with Chetnik ‘Duke’ Jevđević, were all equally hostile to Croatian sovereignty—criminals who actively undermined Croatian identity and independence. The publication’s stance was further crystallised in its powerful assertion: “We have enthusiastically followed every positive development in Croatia, as we do today.
Everything positive from Hebrang to Tuđman, we have integrated into the Croatian political mosaic without ideological prejudice.”
Following an exposition of Yugoslav anti-Croatian activities and conspiracies within Australia, the conclusion is unequivocal: “While we cannot alter the past, we hold the power to decisively shape the future. It is imperative to address history with composure, consistency, and precision. […] Our duty lies in countering hostile schemes through constructive Croatian political and cultural engagement.
Our political ideology is distilled to this: the establishment of the grandest, most secure, and enduring Croatian state! In this phase of our struggle for freedom, we harbour no partisan biases. We respectfully welcome diverse Croatian perspectives within these pages, provided they align with state-building principles and, unequivocally, an anti-Yugoslav ethos.”
A review of analyses and political columns—whether from the past year or earlier—leaves no doubt that the Croatian Herald (HV) has upheld the stance articulated in its inaugural 1983 edition. There is every confidence that this tradition will persist in its new digital incarnation.
Primary credit for these accomplishments rests with the publication’s four editors-in-chief: Ivo Butković (1983–1991), Tomislav Starčević (1992–2007), Tonći Prusac (2007–2011), and Zoran Juraj Sabljak (2011–present), who will continue to lead in the digital era.
To speak of these editors without acclaim is to let their deeds suffice. Yet special recognition is due to T. Starčević, whose tenure was the longest. From the outset, with stoic determination emblematic of his character, he oversaw every facet of the publication—notably the student pages and later the New Generation supplement—until his passing. His legacy endures as a cornerstone in the memory of all associated with the Vjesnik, and indeed, all who crossed his path.
He endures as a foundational figure in the memories of all connected to the Vjesnik and indeed, all who crossed his path. Over four decades, countless dedicated collaborators—spanning every meridian where Croatians reside—have contributed to this endeavour. Among them, the indefatigable Suzana Fantov merits particular recognition for her ceaselessly inventive journalism and unwavering patriotic commitment.
In acknowledging steadfast service to the Vjesnik, special note must be made of Nikola Rašić of Posavlje and Mate Bašić, an Imotski-Zagreb native, who consistently lent their expertise during the tenures of the last three editors.
While this account has touched upon the Vjesnik’s multifaceted origins—its ideological and operational intricacies—it bears reiterating that these efforts were not without adversity. Such an undertaking demanded visionary leadership to harmonise these complexities, navigate challenges, and expose hostile, subversive agendas. With hindsight, it is unequivocally clear that this role fell to two individuals: the spiritual guide vlč Josip Kasić and Zdenko Marinčić, then a relatively young yet revolutionarily astute administrative director.
Lastly, beyond the accolades and unspoken trials, an observant analyst of societal endeavours—particularly press operations—might reasonably inquire: how did the Vjesnik navigate the financial turbulence of COVID-19, given Australia’s stringent pandemic policies?
As many Croatians stroll through Melbourne’s central district, their gaze will inevitably linger on the prominent signage of the ‘I&D Group’ adorning a multi-storeyed building. Those familiar with the name—and there are many—will smile and remark approvingly: “Wonderful! Another landmark forged by Ivan and Kathy Filipović.”
To put it plainly, the Croatian Herald would likely have faltered during the COVID-19 pandemic, a period that saw even renowned global publications struggle. Yet Ivan, guided by his profound Croatian identity and patriotism, ensured its survival. He recognised the irreplaceable value of preserving Australia’s sole Croatian newspaper—a living thread connecting diaspora efforts in Australia and Europe to Croatia’s historic struggle for statehood.
This remarkable family’s contributions extend far beyond the Herald. They have steadfastly supported Croatian cultural, charitable, and sporting organisations across Australia. Such dedication warrants, at the very least, formal commendation from Zagreb’s ministries and institutions responsible for Croatians abroad.
Ivan and Kate—Croatian patriots—have deliberately channelled their resources into upholding Croatian heritage. They champion sporting societies with gusto, yet their resolve is fiercer still in safeguarding the written Croatian word. Since 2018, they have sustained a weekly newspaper, understanding its cultural weight. Such steadfastness is inherent to their character; it is no surprise that Ivan, as the Vjesnik’s Chairman & director, now keenly oversees its digital evolution.
Our hearts overflow with gratitude; may their journey ahead continue with purpose and profound impact.
What Followed Tito?
As history recounts, Moscow—specifically under Brezhnev—quashed the 1968 ‘Prague Spring’ with tanks. Similarly, the ‘Croatian Spring’ was brutally suppressed by Belgrade (or more precisely, Tito) in late 1971, leaving tens of thousands of Croats persecuted, professionally marginalised, and hundreds imprisoned.
The Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood’s attempted uprising, codenamed Operation Phoenix (or the Bugojno Group), in June and July 1972, met with failure. Superficially—and through relentless propaganda—it seemed all resistance had been extinguished within the communist construct of Yugoslavia.
Yet history teaches us, as noted even in antiquity, that silence harbours defiance. As Mirabeau, a leader in France’s National Assembly, declared after the storming of the Bastille: “The silence of the people serves as a warning to monarchs.” Despite the regime’s propaganda machinery, younger Croatian political factions quietly sustained revolutionary efforts within the homeland.
This silence, much like that directed at Louis XVI, carried a potent message. The exodus of revolutionaries such as Bruno Bušić and later Stjepan Đureković—the former INA director—catalysed a more radical trajectory abroad. Through their writings and activism, these figures exposed Yugoslavia’s political and economic realities, galvanising dissent.
Tito, aged and ailing, died in May 1980 at 88. The Communist Party, bolstered by foreign financial backing, orchestrated propaganda campaigns, and a conspicuous gathering of Western political figures at his ostentatious state funeral, sought to project an image of unshaken strength. Yet these efforts could not mask the artificiality and fragility of the Yugoslav federation.
Attendees arrived in Belgrade preoccupied with a singular question: What would follow Tito? Predictions of escalating turmoil soon materialised. Nationalist Serbian rallies surged, fuelled by rhetoric portraying Serbs as victims of exploitation. In response, resistance intensified in Croatia and Slovenia, laying bare the fractures spreading across the Yugoslav communist regime.
By the early 1980s, pro-democracy movements in Poland signalled a broader ideological crisis engulfing Eastern Europe, including the USSR. While this warrants its own analysis, these shifts—coupled with dwindling Western aid and Yugoslavia’s economic decline—accelerated the socialist state’s unravelling.
Throughout the decade, many political émigrés foresaw the Yugoslav entity’s collapse years before 1990. Yet when that year arrived, Croatia’s long-awaited moment of euphoria and celebration was finally within reach.
Independence Day
Following the collapse of the socialist leadership in Belgrade, multiparty democracy was swiftly introduced in the Republic of Croatia. Parliamentary elections, held on 22 April with a second round on 6 May, saw the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) secure a decisive victory, claiming 205 of 351 seats.
The inaugural session of this democratically elected Parliament took place on 30 May—a date now commemorated as Independence Day, symbolising Croatia’s political rebirth. Yet Yugoslavia’s lingering existence meant that severing ties with this purported “brotherhood of nations” would exact a heavy toll, paid in bloodshed and economic devastation.
Tragically, Croatia endured years of atrocities and widespread destruction under the onslaught of Greater Serbian paramilitaries and the Yugoslav People’s Army. Not until the military- campaign Operation Storm would liberation arrive. Croatian forces waged an arduous and uneven struggle, immortalised as the Homeland War, to defend their emerging sovereignty.
Diaspora and Homeland
Naturally, the Croatian diaspora wholeheartedly supported the nation’s first democratic elections and provided substantial aid during the Homeland War, which decisively severed legal ties with Yugoslavia. Yet the relationship between the diaspora and the homeland was marred by missteps whose repercussions linger today.
Among these was the abrupt decline of numerous diaspora publications in the fledgling Republic of Croatia’s early months. Misguided narratives took hold, dismissing politically conservative emigrant media as obsolete or even detrimental. Claims arose that these outlets would be superseded—qualitatively, socially, and politically—by Croatia’s domestic press. Such views conveniently aligned with the priorities of the country’s first wave of inexperienced diplomats, many of whom showed little interest in preserving the diaspora’s cultural and institutional legacy.
Why did the Croatian Herald evade this fate? The answer lies in its key personnel, who transformed rhetoric into action. Many from the Vjesnik and Uzdanica were among the earliest to return to Croatia, forging a collaborative bridge between Australia and the homeland. Immersed in the Republic’s wartime struggles—participating in the Homeland War and civil defence efforts—they gained firsthand insight into the nation’s needs. This proximity enabled them to discern, ahead of other diaspora groups, which contributions would prove truly valuable.
Homeland Editorial Office
A second, even more devastating blow to diaspora publications—particularly overseas—came with the rapid rise of digital technology. Yet the Croatian Herald’s younger editorial leadership foresaw both the risks and opportunities of this shift.
In 2013, seasoned editor Zoran Sabljak and steadfast pillar Stanko Kovač (known as the “Canberran”) travelled to Croatia. After reconnecting with their homeland, they spearheaded the creation of a domestic editorial office. Collaborating with Veso Jurić and Ivo Butković of Zagreb’s Uzdanica network, they drafted a detailed blueprint for implementation.
Months later, the Zagreb Editorial Office launched, forging a dynamic partnership with its Australian counterpart. Veteran journalists Marko Barišić and Božo Čubelić, alongside Veso Jurić, assumed responsibility for its operations—a successful model that endures today and promises to shape future initiatives. This remains the sole (and exemplary) instance of sustained synergy between homeland and diaspora in print journalism.
There is no question that the Croatian Herald’s unwavering advocacy for Croatian principles significantly advanced the nation’s statehood and freedom, showcasing the power of an organised diaspora. This legacy is mirrored in countless global efforts, particularly the diaspora’s critical support during the Homeland War.
To avoid reducing this account to mere anecdote, we outline key initiatives below, corroborated by the individuals who drove them.
As early as spring 1990, when hope first dawned on Croatia’s horizon, Croatian Herald staff from its student department—Veso Jurić, Beta Gal, and Snježana Krpan—travelled to Croatia. Upon arrival, they collaborated with Zagreb’s youth in the ‘Baraka’ movement, actively supporting the HDZ’s pre-election campaign. Their dispatches provided the Herald with real-time updates from the homeland.
In April 1990, Croatia’s inaugural parliamentary elections took place. By June, Herald editor Ivo Butković had joined this pioneering trio. The following month, a chartered flight from Australia brought members of Sydney-Melbourne’s NK ‘Croatia’ football club and their supporters—marking one of the earliest sporting exchanges between the diaspora and homeland.
August 1990 saw another group from Melbourne arrive in Zagreb, including Herald contributors and ‘Uzdanica’ members: Anđelka Stojić (now an English professor in Mostar), Slavica Butković, Zdenko Marinčić, and Nikola Vrselja. Alongside four local collaborators, they attended HDZ’s inaugural Bosnian-Herzegovinian assembly in Sarajevo on 18 August. From there, they accompanied Marinčić to Čitluk—his first homecoming after decades abroad. The following day, they witnessed HDZ’s founding assembly in Ljubuški, where thousands gathered at the football ground—an awe-inspiring sight for first-time visitors to Herzegovina.
Upon returning to Zagreb, these émigrés shared their experiences and photographs with the Herald, cementing the newspaper’s role as a vital bridge between Croatia and its diaspora.
In 1991, as editor Butković relocated to the frontlines in Osijek and Laslovo, the Herald became the sole émigré publication providing extensive coverage of the Vukovar crisis and eastern front. This was facilitated by Mirko Volarević, director of Osijek’s ‘Information Centre’ (later consul in Sydney and Perth).
That same year, seven volunteers from Geelong—dubbed ‘the lads’—alongside seniors Jerko Kovač (Canberra) and Slavko Ćuk (Melbourne), joined the Osijek front. Among them was Željka Jukić, then a Herald typist and now an English teacher. Tomislav Bošnjak, former secretary of ‘Uzdanica’ and the Croatian National Council, also returned. A tireless advocate for the paper’s mission, he later distinguished himself as a diplomat in Arab states, Israel, and currently Egypt.
Marijan Gubić, a collaborator of Starčević during their student years, arrived in 1991. After serving at the Foreign Ministry, he represented Croatia in multiple US postings before returning to Melbourne. Vice Skračić, hailing from South Australia, followed a similar path—serving in the US and now as ambassador to Canada. Even as a student, he had promoted the Herald alongside his parents, Ivan and Jasna Skračić—prominent ‘Uzdanica’ leaders in Australia.
This account highlights only a fraction of the Croatian Herald’s network—individuals whose efforts during the Homeland War and Croatia’s democratic transition exemplify the diaspora’s enduring commitment to freedom.